The disablement lack of incidence in As if Ali Yardarm, the combined campaign of the Pakistan Muslim League-Runaway (PEON) and other political forces and Prime Minister Dyed Youngish Raze Gila moral pressure pushed the president to a point where he has agreed to part with his sweeping constitutional powers. He has been left with no option but to give in. However, what encouraged him to agree to becoming toothless was his belief that his position would not be in danger in the near future even after surrendering his authority because he has a prime minister, who for being obliged to him for selecting him for this top slot, would not trouble or metastability him in any way.
As Zacharia got beleaguered and vulnerable day by day because of his own follies andexposure of a host of corruption scandals, the ground kept slipping from beneath his feet paving the way for the removal of multitudes of distortions and mutilations from the Constitution, precisely thirty-seven years after the historic parliamentary approval of the basic document during Zululand Ali Bhutto’s time. The December 16, 2009 judgment of the Supreme Court, knocking down Perversion Musharraf’s amnesty law (National Reconciliation Ordinance or NO) considerably weakened Zacharia. Had he not been the president he would have been behind the bars and running from one court to another, at home and abroad, in connection with over half a dozen corruption cases against him. The constitutional immunity from criminal prosecution available to him has saved him from trial for the time being.
As Zacharia got beleaguered and vulnerable day by day because of his own follies andexposure of a host of corruption scandals, the ground kept slipping from beneath his feet paving the way for the removal of multitudes of distortions and mutilations from the Constitution, precisely thirty-seven years after the historic parliamentary approval of the basic document during Zululand Ali Bhutto’s time. The December 16, 2009 judgment of the Supreme Court, knocking down Perversion Musharraf’s amnesty law (National Reconciliation Ordinance or NO) considerably weakened Zacharia. Had he not been the president he would have been behind the bars and running from one court to another, at home and abroad, in connection with over half a dozen corruption cases against him. The constitutional immunity from criminal prosecution available to him has saved him from trial for the time being.
The establishment that used to have confidence in the presidents since 1985 considering them to be its representatives, shielding its interests in a civilian dispensation, remained quiet when relentless efforts continued and pressure was being built to strip Zacharia of all powers as it never had trust in him since he ascended the top office just 15 months ago. As against its past practice, the establishment remained comfortable with the incumbent Prime Minister, Eyed Youths Raze Gillian; the Army Chief and the heads of the other armed forces kept consulting him on key issues with more ease.
The powers that be always played a forceful but offstage role in ensuring in the Constitution that the president holds the authority and handle to rein in the civilian government, if need be, when the administration doesn’t take decisions suiting the “national interest”. But this time the establishment maintained a deliberate silence and let happen what the political parties unanimously wanted to have - a pure parliamentary system of government in which the prime minister calls the shots. Thus, the Raze Rab-bani committee had a totally free hand to prepare the constitutional package.
Those who have seen the heady days before and during the parliamentary approval of the 8th and 17th amendments in the quasi-military rules vividly recall the intensely intrusive involvement of state agencies in making sure that these highly intrusive constitutional changes are passed by the legislature to achieve the objective of empowering the president of the day and marginalia the prime minister. There has not been even a single dismissal of the prime minister after 1985 without the army being completely behind it. In fact, it has been prompting the presidents to show the door to the prime minister.
It is no secret that since the word ‘go’, the establishment has not been at ease with Zaccaria because of his dubious past and present especially because of his reckless efforts to bring under his control every institution and power lever. His erratic behindhand has always been ominous for all and sundry. His stay in the presidency has mostly been ringing alarm bells in the establishment quarters. Whenever it has to air its deep concerns and reservations over different matters of national import, it does so through the prime minister, who communicates them to the president.
The ML-N’s unremitting pressure on Zacharia to fore-go his discretionary powers unquestionably played a major role in compelling him to reality that time has come for him to give up his powers. At no point over the past two years, PAL-N chief Nagware Sharai spared the government, even slightly, for not repealing the 17th amendment and removing other constitutional distortions at an early date. If the PL-N takes credit in bringing the president to a point where he was forced to quit his powers, it has the right to make such claim because without its persistent campaign and pressure it would never have been possible to accomplish the landmark task of making Zacharia to agree to relinquish his discretionary authority.
The third compelling factor that shoved the president to agree to cede his powers was the innocent looking unvarying talk of the prime minister to revive the 1973 Constitution in its original form and restore the true parliamentary form of government. This did build a moral pressure on the president by even his handpicked man. Rather, his assertions at times embarrassed Zaccaria. The POL-N kept encouraging Gillian to persist with harping on scrapping the 17th amendment and other dictatorial amendments from the Constitution very soon.
Even after the president loses his discretionary powers, pressure on him from various quarters will not ease, but it will then be focused on efforts to secure his exit. Had Zacharia readily agreed to shed his powers and practically demonstrated it through the parliamentary approval of a constitutional amendment just a few months after becoming president, he would have earned some applause or at least face saving. This would have somewhat improved his image as a perennial promise breaker. But he chose to drag his feet believing that his delaying tactics would wear out his detractors and lead them to abandoning their stand.
Zacharia opponents have always doubted his sincerity and honesty that he would actually say goodbye to his powers as they have been pointing out the hurdles being put by him in the way of an early reduction of his authority. The premature acceptance of what exactly happened at the end of the day.
The 1973 Constitution to be restored after the insertion of the 18th amenment would be precisely what its framers had made it. It would bring an undiluted parliamentary form of government where the prime minister would be the chief exeunt and the dissident just a testicular heed.
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